search results

- - July 26, 2023 Coup d’état in Niger. What is first presented as a mood swing turns out over the hours to be a Coup d’Etat. President Bazoum is being held against his will, in his palace, by soldiers from his bodyguard. The military announced in the evening the suspension of all institutions, the closure of borders and the establishment of a curfew. - July 27, the General Staff of the Niger Armed Forces (FAN) announces its support for the putsch through a press release in which they say they “subscribe to the declaration of the Defense and Security Forces” having announced the day before that they had put an end to it. “to the regime” of President Mohamed Bazoum. The FAN General Staff explains such an attitude by the fact that this act aims to “preserve the physical integrity of the President of the Republic and his family, to avoid a deadly confrontation between the different Forces which, beyond these, could cause a bloodbath.” At the same time, France, ECOWAS and Western powers are rioting and demanding the release of Mohamed Bazoum. The same is true of international organizations such as the UN, the European Union or Russia. Mohamed Bazoum who has not formally resigned, but is still not free to move. - July 29. When the putsch was announced, Emmanuel Macron condemned it “with the greatest firmness”. The same is true of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which specifies that France “does not recognize the authorities” resulting from the putsch. - On July 30, 2023 in Abuja, Nigeria, an extraordinary ECOWAS summit on the political situation in Niger will be held. During this, member countries urged a return to constitutional order marked by the reinstallation of Mohamed Bazoum in power. To achieve this, the West African organization decided to impose multifaceted sanctions on Niger. These include “the closure of land and air borders between ECOWAS countries and Niger”, “the establishment of an ECOWAS exclusion zone for all commercial flights to or from Niger” , “the suspension of all commercial and financial transactions”, “the freezing of Niger’s assets in the ECOWAS Central Banks and in commercial banks”, “the suspension of all assistance and financial transactions in favor of Niger by the Bank of Investment and Development of ECOWAS (EBID) and the West African Development Bank (BOAD). The country is in fact quarantined. ¨Moreover, a military intervention is planned to overthrow the military newly installed in power. FRANCE IN THE COLLIMATOR OF THE NEW REGIME - On August 3, a week after taking power, Nigerien generals denounce several military cooperation agreements with the former colonial power. At the same time, they are demanding the departure of some 1,500 French soldiers deployed in Niger as part of the anti-jihadist fight. The military in power also denounced mining contracts and nationalized companies, most of them French, exploiting the country's uranium. - On August 6, faced with pressure from possible intervention by ECOWAS, under cover of France, Niger announced the closure of its airspace. At the same time, the CNSP accuses “a foreign power” of preparing “a war” against Niger. - August 18, 2023; Mali and Burkina Faso deploy combat planes at NIamey airport, in anticipation of a military intervention by ECOWAS. These are Super Tucano fighter planes. - August 19, 2023, a crowd of Nigeriens, the vast majority young men, gathers near the Seyni-Kountché Stadium in Niamey. All responded to the call for the recruitment of “Volunteers for the Defense of the Fatherland” (VDP) launched by two civil society organizations in the face of the threat of armed intervention by the Economic Community of African States. West (ECOWAS). The organizers of the meeting are overwhelmed because young people responded en masse to this call. In fact, more than 50,000 young people walk the aisles of the stadium. Faced with the scale of the influx and the complexity of the situation, recruitment operations are postponed indefinitely. THE AMBASSADOR AND 1,500 FRENCH SOLDIERS FORCED TO PACK UP - August 25, 2023, the approval of the French Ambassador in Niamey, Mr Sylvain ITTE, is withdrawn, following his refusal to meet the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Cooperation and Nigeriens Abroad for an interview. In fact, the French ambassador still claims not to recognize the legitimacy of the new authorities in power in Niamey. He is declared persona non grata and will have to leave Niger in 48 hours. The Ambassador declares that he will not give in to this demand, as France only recognizes the fallen regime, that of Mr Bazoum. Soldiers were then posted at various entrances to the French Embassy, prohibiting any entry or exit from this enclosure. - September 1, a demonstration and sit-ins are organized in front of the French military base. Their aim is to demand the departure of soldiers from the Niger hexagon. It should be noted that the French forces had retreated to Niamey, after their departure from Mali, under the heavy blows of General Assimi Goïta. Nearly 1,500 men are stationed on a military base adjacent to Niamey airport. The demonstrators, stationed at the entrance to the air base, de facto prevent any movement of troops towards the interior and vice versa. - September 12, 2023, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger sign the Liptako-Gourma charter. This charter creates the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). Its aim is to protect against any attack, including terrorist attacks or those orchestrated by third countries. The charter states in its article 2 that its objective is to establish an architecture of collective defense and assistance between signatory countries. In reality, it is a mutual assistance pact between Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. It is a means of deterrence in the face of threats of armed intervention brandished by ECOWAS. - September 15. Emmanuel Macron gives an interview to the press. He claims that his ambassador in Niamey is "taken hostage", claiming that he "no longer has the possibility of going out" and is "persona non grata" in Niger. Contacted by TF1/LCI, Sylvain ITTE nevertheless assured that he and his team were “safe inside the embassy”. Emmanuel Macron also affirms that the diplomat and the ambassador no longer have enough to eat and must make do with military rations. - September 23, the new authorities in Niamey prohibit the overflight of Nigerien airspace by French planes, whether civil or military. The press release specifies that Nigerien airspace “remains open to all commercial flights, national and international, with the exception of French aircraft and those chartered by France, including the Air France fleet.” - September 24; End clap for the French military presence in Niger. In a television interview, President Emmanuel Macron announces the return to France of his ambassador in Niamey and the end of the stationing of French soldiers in Niger “by the end of the year”. He was forced to do so thanks to popular pressure and the determination of Nigerien leaders, who no longer intend to have their conduct dictated to them by the politicians in power in France.

Niger has just marked September 24, the day when French President Emmanuel Macron capitulated, by recording the withdrawal of French troops from Niger and the return to France of its ambassador in Niamey. It must be said that since July 26, 2023, the date the military took power in Niger, tensions have continued to grow between Paris and Niamey, due to the nationalization of French interests in oil and uranium by the new authorities in place in Niger, represented by the National Council for the Protection of the Homeland (CNSP). Since then, Emmanuel Macron has suffered the blow, sometimes acting with resentment, always with bitterness, often with contempt, towards the new authorities in power in Niamey. Accustomed to ruling everything on the continent, down to the smallest details in the Palaces, France did not see this new day coming, when people, tired of so many years and centuries of colonialism, then of neocolonialism, have finally decided to put an end to the dark night of oppression. It continues to make people believe that it is irreplaceable, particularly in French-speaking Black Africa, still considered an impregnable backyard. France has always dreamed of its splendor through the exploitation of African countries. The latter remain perceived as colonies, despite facade independence granted hastily, in the 1960s, following demands and, sometimes, armed struggles. France has behaved and still behaves as a dominating power which has the right of life and death over our States, their leaders, as much as their people. Pretending "development" projects through tied aid, it was particularly noted for policies of dispossession, of which the FCFA remains to this day, the expression of its hideous continuity. France therefore embarked on policies of ostracization and domination, weakening people, conquering States through shameless interventionism and raids, often of the mining type. It was thus able to establish its aura on the international scene by drinking in the wealth of African colony countries. Until now, the people suffered without saying anything. It is now driven out of countries where it has long maintained its military bases, under the pretext of fighting jihadism. It was first in the Central African Republic, with Augustin Archange Touadéra, who called on the Russians to strengthen his regime, weakened by France's support for various rebellions, which continued to harm the national cause, by destabilizing the country. almost uninterrupted manner since its independence. Mali followed a few years later, after Colonel Assimi Goïta took power in Bamako, then came the turn of Burkina Faso. Today, these three West African countries, namely Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, are at the forefront in the fight against the multifaceted dominations of France on the continent. The withdrawal of French soldiers and the return to France of its ambassador in Niamey, constitute only the beginning of a great adventure for the people of Africa, that of the awakening of the continent, which can no longer bear being exploited without be able to react over millennia. “However long the night, the day always arrives” says a popular saying. Niger, a small country previously despoiled and overexploited, 186th in the world in terms of poverty, sets an example for other African peoples. It’s up to them to keep up. Niger, a small country previously despoiled and overexploited, 186th in the world in terms of poverty, sets an example for other African peoples. It’s up to them to keep up. by TIENTCHEU KAMENI Maurice

The Coup d’Etat which has just taken place in Gabon constitutes a situation as incredible as it is unexpected. Incredible because of the demonstration of the fragility of a power that we believed to be deeply anchored within the state apparatuses. In fact, the longevity of the Bongo clan in power for more than sixty years has led people to believe that this clan has had time to place its men in all decision-making positions, and thus, to lock down the security apparatus, making any movement of mood within society and the army, and even more so any coup d'état. Furthermore, the multifaceted interests and networks that this clan had time to weave within the Gabonese political class, the army and even beyond, presaged a strong structuring of the state apparatus around of the leader of the Clan, Omar Bongo in his time and Ali Bongo today. In fact, the clan had to forge solid interconnections between politicians through marriages (Jean Ping, former challenger to Ali Bongo in the previous elections of August 27, 2016, is nothing less than Ali Bongo's brother-in-law General Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, current head of the Junta, is none other than Ali Bongo's cousin etc.). This dark web of relationships had thus forged pacts and links across the entire political class, so that everything was held together through alliances that were as sudden as they were unexpected, even controversial. This innervation of the political class through transversal and vertical relationships made the disestablishment of the regime almost improbable. These interconnections were also supported from the outside, by mafia links around the sharing of oil revenues where large French companies, in collusion with the Gabonese political class, have carved out the Lion's share for a very long time. The Elf affair under LEFLOCH PRIGEANT, highlighted the methods of exploitation, even expropriation, of a people of its wealth, through mechanisms of domination, and open spoliation, thus stabilizing Françafrique until the caricature. The structuring of the Gabonese political class through business and mafia relationships thus gave power a semblance of stability. Gabon thus appeared for many decades, as the soft underbelly of FrançAfrique, through the domination of France on the continent, and the practices of exacerbated neocolonialism, raising at the same time, the depredation of natural resources to degrees paroxysmal. This country, although considered a Black Emirate, had thus become almost a Dom Tom, Bongo father and son refusing nothing to the powers of the ex-colonizer, thus bringing the exacerbation of the overexploitation of the country's wealth to unacceptable levels. To this day, Gabon certainly remains rich, but ¾ of its population lives below the poverty line, the country's wealth having tangible benefits only for the Gabonese political class and the French companies of depredation. Under these conditions, Gabon had become the keystone of French domination on the continent, thereby weakening any idea of ejection of France, super master in its backyard. In fact, even after this coup d'état, Gabon still presents itself as the emblematic figure of this French territory, or at least its most visible face. The coup d'état of August 30 proved to the world that this Central African country was in fact living in an unstable equilibrium. A bric-a-brac, which lasted as long as it took, and which could no longer last for an eternity, given the current situation of a world in full reorganization. A multipolar world which makes the decline of pre-existing systems the sine qua none condition for the emergence of new forces of progress. T.K.M

Today, August 30, 2023, we, the Defense and Security Forces, gathered within the Committee for the Transition and Defense of Institutions (CTRI), on behalf of the Gabonese people and guarantor of the protection of institutions, have decided to defend the peace, by putting an end to the regime in place. To this end, the general elections of August 26, 2023, as well as the truncated results, are canceled. Borders are closed until further notice. All institutions of the Republic are dissolved, in particular the Government, the Senate, the National Assembly, the Constitutional Court, the Economic, Social and Environmental Council, the Gabonese Elections Council. We call on the population, the communities of brother countries, established in Gabon, as well as the Gabonese in the diaspora for calm and serenity. We reaffirm our attachment to Gabon's commitments to the National and International Community. Gabonese people, it is finally our rise towards happiness. May God and the spirits of our ancestors bless Gabon. Honor and loyalty to the Fatherland! Thank you.

Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, is a brigadier general in the Gabonese army. He was trained in Morocco. Some see him as a repeat offender when it comes to the Coup d’Etat. In fact, this high-ranking officer in the Gabonese armed forces has experienced ups and downs during his career, marked by a short crossing of the desert. On January 7, 2019, a trio of soldiers from the Republican Guard stormed Gabonese national radio. Around 6:30 a.m., through the voice of Lieutenant Ondo Obiang Kelly, deputy commander of the honor guard company of the Republican Guard, a press release was read. The Gabonese then learned of the birth of the “National Restoration Council”, an entity claimed by the putschists. Very quickly, the manhunt was launched against the mutineers, by the forces remaining loyal to Ali Bongo. We then suspect Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema of having favored this putsch, especially since he was already in Ali Bongo's entourage, as one of the pillars of his close guard. The coup failed thanks to the immediate response from the loyalists. It still remains that suspicions, and not the least, fall on Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguéma, then colonel. He is criticized at the very least for not having been able to anticipate this mutiny which could have had disastrous consequences for Gabon in general, and the physical security of the Bongos in particular. A sanction will then follow. Colonel Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguéma is assigned as military attaché to the Gabonese embassy in Senegal for two years. He was subsequently recalled to Libreville. A few months later, he was appointed head of the intelligence service of the Republican Guard: the Directorate General of Special Services (DGSS). After only six months in this position, Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema is placed at the head of the Republican Guard, where he is once again in charge of Ali Bongo's close guard. Promoted to this position, he created a special unit made up of more than 300 snipers, snippers who could be used to good effect, particularly against political opponents and their activists during electoral protests. It must be said that in this area, it has really not innovated, the other countries in the sub-region, notably Cameroon or Chad, have within their respective armies, specialized units for the same causes.

The Coup d'Etat of August 30 allowed the Gabonese to turn a dark page in their history, permanently shaking the Bongo clan. A new strong man has appeared on the political scene, at the highest summit of the State. This is General Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguéma, who proclaimed himself President of the Transition. While many thought that, as in the case of Niger, Burkina Faso or Mali, he would be part of a resolute opposition to the former French colonial power, he somewhat demonstrated temperance, never raising the tone to denounce the asymmetrical relations between his country and France and ignoring the historically unequal relationships, in which Gabon has languished since the dawn of time. Such a situation, far from allowing a real liberation of this Central African country, risks rather compromising its future, with in view decades of subjugation and domination, synonymous with backwardness. Certainly, Gabon has a long history with France and is considered the heart of French precariousness in Central Africa, with a French military base in Libreville etc. Omar Bongo himself, during his lifetime, had very well elucidated this relationship of dependence, indicating that “France without Gabon is a car without fuel, and Gabon without France is a car without a driver”. Such an assertion illustrated in a very beautiful way the subjugation of Gabon vis-à-vis the French ogre, in an unequal relationship of predator to predated. A relationship of submission and exploitation, even brutalization and constraints, in what then appears to be a distorted form of rampant neocolonialism. Olingui Nguema hardly calls into question such a position, preferring to rely on the certainly unequal relationships existing between France and Gabon, to strengthen his hold on power. Already, a few hiccups are coming to light, but do not seem to embarrass the new regime. We can cite, among others, the swearing-in of General Brice Clotaire Olingui Nguéma on September 4, before a Constitutional Court hated only a few days before, or even, an oath-taking, on a transition charter, a charge known only to the supporters of the current regime. This shows that French domination still has good days ahead of it, in this small state which believes itself to be the eldest daughter of France.

These little details which deliver the ubiquitous face in a shot prepared well in advance. Evocations. The coup in Gabon is unique in its kind because for the first time, we have the impression that the new strong man of this country is not the one who instigated the coup. The media therefore announced that he was designated as the one to assume the transition at the head of the country. By who ? His comrades in arms, we understood. It is exactly as if the soldiers had spontaneously gotten together, had organized the fall of Ali Bongo without a thinking head. It was after the mission was accomplished that they would have set their sights on the brigadier general who, moreover, guarded the presidency. The video which played in a loop in the early morning of August 30 on the web presented this state of affairs in the courtyard of the Palais de la Rénovation in Libreville. If we take the recent coups on the continent, it is quite simply a break in the modus operandi. Whether in Mali, Burkina Fasso, Guinea or Niger, the military makes the announcement on national television, well aware of the mastermind of the coup. It is also a move that gives the appearance of achieving national consensus. We therefore saw the General President of the Republic go to visit the home of Ondo Ossa, obviously the big winner of the presidential election of August 26, also mentioned by the military to justify the coup d'état. And that's not all. A few days after the attack, Ali Bongo Ondimba regained his full freedom to come and go. We know today, for example, all the pressure put on the new power in Niger to free Mohamed Bazoum. In Burkina, Mali and Guinea, deposed heads of state head straight into exile as soon as they regain their freedom. The Gabonese example is curious from this point of view. A third point which makes this coup d'état unprecedented is the mawkish condemnation of regional organizations or the international community. The Economic and Monetary Community of Central African States (Cemac), the Economic Community of Central African States (Ceeac) or the African Union (AU), stood out with laconic outings to demand a return to the constitutional order. The United Nations and the world powers, great defenders of democracy, have taken it easy, contenting themselves with following current events with great attention while on social networks a video of the deposed President of the Republic begged his friends through the planet to make noise to save its power. Nothing but icy silence in return. The other facet of the Gabonese coup is the resemblance between the Committee for the Transition and the Restoration of Institutions (Ctri) in Gabon and the Military Council of the Transition in Chad where the military has the possibility of being candidates for office. presidential election at the end of the transition. It is known that while Deby Itno Mahamat will be in the race at the end of the transition to the presidential election just like Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema in Gabon, the putschist military in West Africa is required to hand over power to civilians faster. Those who seem to endorse the military in Central Africa are the same ones who are up in arms against the military in the Sahel. By Léopold DASSI NDJIDJOU

The Coup d'Etat in Niger truly marks a break in the international pressure placed on Colonel TIANI and the National Council for the Protection of the Fatherland (CNSP). We must remember that on July 26, 2023, Mohamed Bazoum, then President of Niger, was overthrown by a Putsh and placed under house arrest within the presidential palace. The new military authorities, led by Colonel Abdourahamane Tiani, then decreed the cessation of uranium exploitation by the French group Orano. They nationalize at all costs and put Paris on notice to withdraw its troops from Niger. To general astonishment, the French Ambassador in Niamey was declared persona non grata and ordered to leave the territory. Accustomed to salamalecs and other obsequiousness of all kinds from African heads of state, Paris was not accustomed to such impetuosity and guts from an African. The French are therefore surprised, even stunned, by so much assurance and determination, coming from the new Nigerien regime and its determination to deconstruct the myth of the tutelary power of the “Metropolis”. A nuclear power which was built under the banner of Nigerien uranium and which allowed this country to increase its aura among small nations. Faced with the fury and the limitless demands of the new Nigerien authorities for the consideration of their interests on the chessboard of international geopolitics, Paris is tense and brings out the heavy artillery of international sanctions, aided in this by an Economic Community of West African States, put to order. A succession of arbitrary, even inhumane measures are then set in motion. The borders of neighboring countries are closed, banks, most of them French, no longer supply the country's economy. International donors, the World Bank and the European Union, in the lead, are breaking the ban with the new authorities. Everywhere, the clubs of sanctions are brandished, some bigger than others. Satisfied by this vast operation of dehumanization inflicted on the Nigerien people, the former French President, Nicolas Sarkozy, declared on August 16 in an interview with the newspaper Le Figaro that the Niger Coup d'Etat is doomed to failure. The ingenuity of cynicism, already established, then takes on grandiose proportions. Hospitals lack everything, down to paracetamol tablets, and electricity from neighboring Nigeria is cut off. The country lives in the Dark. Fuel and food prices are soaring. Populations who, in ordinary times, are already precarious, suddenly find themselves plunged into abject poverty. The Western powers, under the banner of France, do not care. We must save soldier Bazoum at all costs, whatever it costs!!! Meanwhile, Niger is dying. It therefore appears very clearly that Mohamed Bazoum was only the Trojan horse of a creeping neocolonialism which, as the days go by, shows more and more its true face, that of an enormous hydra which has only and sole ambition, that of plunging Africa into abject poverty, through economic repression and the strangulation of all the outcomes which could have constituted a lifeline for starving peoples. By Maurice TIENTCHEU

Perception with variable geometry under the prism of the West Coups d'Etat often draw their basis from the concerns in which people and nations navigate, and from the emergencies arising from occurrences which ensure that there is danger in the home and the need to act often in haste, to the good of the nation. At least, these are the official reasons often given by putschists, to credit their actions which otherwise would appear as assaults or coups of force without significant value for nations in general and populations in particular. In the case of Niger, France, feeling its interests threatened, instructed General Tiani to hand over power to Mohamed Bazoum, failing which it would land him manu militari. To make his regime unpopular, a battery of measures was taken to hasten the fall of the regime. Putting its threats into action, France led an unprecedented diplomatic campaign with the European Union, the United States of America, ECOWAS, the African Union... in order to unite their points of view in the all-out condemnation of the Niamey regime. In the wake of such consultation, sanctions are taken almost hastily. The Niamey Regime bends but does not break. On August 30, the Gabonese military, undoubtedly inspired by their peers in Niamey, deposed Ali Bongo. Silence in the room. We no longer hear the vociferations of Françafrique, even less the condemnations of ECOWAS or the African Union. Western chancelleries only state “their concerns”. Some say they are “monitoring the situation closely”, others pay lip service, just for the sake of form. Would there ultimately be good and bad Coups? That is the whole question, especially since in Paris, we have already reconnected with General Oligui Nguéma, head of the junta in Gabon. In fact, the Gabonese putschists had cautiously affirmed during their takeover speech on the Gabon 24 channels, that they would respect Gabon's commitments, “both internally and internationally”. Understand, we will not erase France from the political landscape of the country. The latter will always remain the masters of the situation, while their interests will be preserved. As a result, we no longer hear the cries of horror, which nevertheless remain present in the Nigerien theater. “Coup for Coup d’Etat”? There seem to be good Coups d'Etat, Paris believes, which does not however give up waging war in Niger, through subcontracting from ECOWAS. The irony is the fact that some Africans seem to be okay with it. Heads of state on the continent would be ready to take part in this proxy war, exploited by France, on African soil, in order to strengthen the interests of this country on their own continent. Whatever the case, the Gabon Coup d'Etat clearly shows that condemnation or support for the regimes in power in Africa depends on the guarantees offered by these regimes to the tutelary powers, often lurking outside the continent. The more these trends are contrary to Western interests, the more dramatic the condemnations will be. The more they show allegiance to neocolonial powers, the better they will be dubbed, or even protected, by these same powers. In other words, Africa still remains the seat of hegemonic and antagonistic interests between powers, interests very often contrary to the will of the African people. By Maurice TIENTCHEU

Speech on July 27, 2023 by President Ibrahim Traoré at the Russia-Africa summit. Comrade President Vladimir PUTIN; Comrades African Presidents and Heads of State Comrades Heads of delegation; Good morning, It is an honor for me to speak here and to convey to you the fraternal greetings of the people of the Land of Upright Men. This is also the place for me, above all, to give thanks to God, Almighty God who has allowed us to meet here this morning in good health to talk about the future and the well-being of our peoples. . I would like to apologize to the elders whom I may offend in my future remarks. Africanity, obliges, birthright, I must apologize. Comrades, I have a few questions from my generation. A thousand and one questions we ask ourselves. But we don't have an answer. It turns out that here we can wash our dirty laundry because we feel like family. We feel like a family in the sense that Russia is also a family for Africa. It’s a family because we have the same history. Russia made enormous sacrifices to free the world from Nazism during World War II. The African people, our grandfathers, were also forcibly deported to help Europe get rid of Nazism. We share the same history in that we are the forgotten peoples of the world. Whether in history books, documentaries or films, we tend to brush aside the preponderant role that Russia and Africa played in this fight against Nazism. We are together because currently we are here to talk about the future of our peoples, about what will happen tomorrow, about this free world to which we aspire, about this world without interference in our internal affairs. We have the same perspectives, and I hope that this summit will be an opportunity to build very good relations with a view to a better future for our people. The questions that my generation asks themselves are the following, if I can sum it up, it is not understanding how Africa with so much wealth on its soil, with generous nature, water, sunshine in abundance , Africa is today the poorest continent. Africa is a hungry continent. And how come our heads of state cross the world begging? These are questions we are asking ourselves and for which we do not yet have answers. We have the opportunity to build new relationships and I hope that these relationships will be the best to give a better future to our people. My generation also tells me that it is because of poverty that they are forced to cross the ocean to try to reach Europe. She dies in the ocean. But that soon, she will not go to the ocean because she will come to our palaces to seek their daily pittance. As far as Burkina Faso is concerned, today we have been confronted for more than eight years with the most barbaric, the most violent form of manifestation of neocolonialism, of imperialism, of the slavery that tends to be imposed on us. . Our predecessors taught us one thing; “the slave who is not capable of assuming his revolt does not deserve to be pitied for his fate.” We don't feel sorry for ourselves, we don't ask for anyone to feel sorry for us. The Burkinabè people have decided to fight. To fight against the terrorist hydra to relaunch its development. In this fight, valiant populations have committed to taking up arms in the face of terrorism. Those we affectionately called the VDP, the Volunteers for the Defense of the Fatherland. We are surprised to see imperialists treating these VDPs as militias of all types. It's disappointing because in Europe, when people take up arms to defend their homeland, they are called patriots. Our grandfathers were deported to save Europe. It was not with their consent, it was against their will. But on the way back, we remember well that in Thiaroye when they wanted to claim their basic rights, they were massacred. It does not matter. When we, the people, decide to defend ourselves, we are called militias. But that is not the problem. The problem is to see African heads of state who bring nothing to these people who are fighting but who sing the same things as the imperialists by calling us militias, by treating us as men who do not respect human rights. What human rights are we talking about? We are offended by this and it is shameful. We African heads of state must stop behaving like puppets who dance every time the imperialists pull the strings. Yesterday President Vladimir PUTIN announced the sending of cereals to Africa. We are very happy and we thank him for that. But it is also a message sent to us African heads of state, because at the next summit, we must not come here without having ensured, for those who do not know war, food self-sufficiency for our people. We must take the experience of those who were able to achieve this objective in Africa, build good relations here, build better relations with the Russian Federation to be able to meet the needs of our populations. I will not be very long, the time allotted is short, but I would like to end by saying that we must pay tribute to our peoples, to our peoples who are fighting. Glory to our people Dignity to our people Victory to our people Fatherland or death, we will win! Thank you comrades. Captain Ibrahim Traoré President of the Transition in Burkina Faso cameroun : Russia - Africa The historic speech of Captain Ibrahim Traoré in Saint Petersburg at the Russia-Africa summit :: (cameroun24.net)

The Coup d'Etat in Gabon sounds like a defiance of political morality, in the sense that the international community has, point blank, absolved General Brice OLINGUI NGUEMA of all his guilty sins. It therefore appears, as the savior of the people and the faller of a regime which had trouble with democratic authenticity. In fact, Brice Clotaire OLINGUI NGUEMA has so far aroused very little criticism, whether from the army, from civil society and even opposition parties. We can easily understand this, when we know that Gabon has come a long way, from a dark and long night of almost sixty years of reign of a political oligarchy. Sixty years of Bongo: years when everything seemed to succeed so well in the clan, with the help and unalterable support of France. A France whose entire policy was designed to strengthen its positions of power in Africa, even if it meant sacrificing the people and their legitimate aspirations. The belittling of the urgent needs of populations is still the case throughout French-speaking Africa. In this occurrence, the sub-regional organizations (CEMAC, CEEAC, etc.) seem to revel in a simian role as a union of heads of state in service, and as an appendage relaying only the political impulses decided by the West. It took the insight of the military to put an end to the Bongo regime, and begin what is believed to be the end of an era. We hope that the new horizons that are opening up will be less troubled and more likely to bring about democracy, at a time when the Princes of the apocalypse are sounding the tocsin of the worst for Africa. However, we must maintain our reason, and hope that General Brice OLINGUI NGUEMA will not do like some of his predecessors. They have taken the reins of power, the better to persist on their ramps. At the forefront of these examples, we can cite his namesake and no less brother, neighbor and now peer from Central Africa, Théodoro OBIANG NGUEMA. The latter took power in 1979, following a coup d'état which overthrew his uncle MACIAS NGUEMA. Since then, from subterfuge to subterfuge, OBIANG NGUEMA has remained head of state. This has been going on for over forty-five years. It is believed that he has already prepared his eldest son in the person of TEODORO NGUEMA OBIANG MANGUE, already Vice-President of the country, to succeed him. Denis SASSOU NGUESSO, the President of the Republic of Congo has been at the head of the country several times. He became head of state to the detriment of General Joachim YHOMBI-OPANGO in 1979, and ruled the Congo until 1992. Then, he lost the elections that year and entered into open conflict with Pascal LISSOUBA, his defeater in the elections of 1992. After many maneuvers following the civil war in Brazzaville, SASSOU NGUESSO returned to power thanks to the support of France. Furthermore, the Angolan army is fighting in its favor to the detriment of the defense and security forces and militias from the Pascal LISSOUBA-Bernard KOLELAS coalition. Since then, firmly established in power, he is credited with the intention of wanting to knight his son Denis Christel SASSOU NGUESSO to succeed him. In Cameroon, Paul BIYA has been at the head of the country for 40 (forty) years, or approximately two generations. In recent years, under various pretexts, he has been able to imprison opponents of his regime and suppress part of the administrative elite that he suspects of wanting to replace him. During the 2018 presidential elections, he was able to obtain a new mandate of 7 (seven) years. In Cameroonian public opinion, many think that he has already prepared his son to succeed him, in case he does not want to run again in the 2024 presidential elections. So goes Central Africa, a land of impossible political alternation. But where everything becomes possible again due to the coup d’état that occurred on the night of August 30, 2023 in Gabon.

In fact, the messages offered by Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger and to a lesser extent Gabon are more relevant than ever. Africa understood that it was in its interest to be at the heart of the interstices which are now available to nations, through the corridors resulting from hegemonic struggles. These are now asserting themselves among the powers, particularly those who claim to be guardians of the countries and people of the continent. These are the powers that previously colluded to defraud Africa from all sides, making it bear all the deadly sins. It seems that today we are on the verge of reaching a breaking point. Such a rupture would now be favorable to peoples previously bruised by the jousts resulting from political, economic or societal caesuras, instilled by the dominators. Such processes have only resulted in continued misery for African populations. The peoples in struggle, the peoples in motion, can now consider themselves happy, to accomplish and shine on a desire for emancipation which will finally give them what they are striving for, as it is true that every fight is won by firstly by the will to win. Africans have always had this desire, but the timing of History is not always made up of regular and continuous features. It is made of zigs-zags, sometimes circles, half-opened with openness and fragility. It is made up of hesitations and circumventions, of fragile developments which thwart the constraints that the oppressors want to give themselves. The timing of History meanders and sometimes takes incomprehensible forms, with feverish evanescence. Certain historical events, such as those we are experiencing today, can escape all predictability and undermine the most subtle forecasters. These events take place at the end of shady delays, escaping any humanly controllable influence. These unexpected historical contingencies, these happenings, often unwanted, can sometimes serve as accelerators of History. They are likely to bias perceptions and the results expected by certain political offers from the oppressors. This is why we believe that a new day is dawning on the continent. This day is the day, not of revenge, but of more assured cooperation, not of consolation, but of stimulation like no other, towards aspirations for a better, even radiant, future. It is not a question of showing off, but of putting in hard work, in order to actually deserve our freedom. By TIENTCHEU KAMENI Maurice

The Peace and Security Council, Recalling the Declaration [Ext/Assembly/AU/Decl.(XVI)] on Terrorism and Unconstitutional Changes of Government, adopted by the 16th Extraordinary Session of the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government held in Malabo , Equatorial Guinea, from May 27 to 28, 2022; Decision AHG/Dec.141(XXXV) and AHG/Dec.142(XXXV), adopted by the 35th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU held in Algiers, Algeria, from 12 to July 14, 1999; the Declaration on the Framework for an OAU Response to the Unconstitutional Change of Government, adopted by the 36th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU held in Lomé, Togo, from 10 to 12 July 2000 (the Lomé Declaration); and the Solemn Declaration of the 50th Anniversary of the OAU/AU, adopted in Addis Ababa on May 25, 2013; Also recalling the press release [PSC/PR/BR.(DCCCXI)] adopted at its 821st meeting held on January 9, 2019; and the Press Release of the Chairperson of the AU Commission, H.E. Moussa Faki Mahamat, issued on August 30, 2023 following the coup d'état in the Gabonese Republic; Respecting the Consecutive Act of the AU, the Protocol relating to the creation of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union, in particular Area 7 (g); and reiterating the AU's zero tolerance for anecdotal changes of government, in accordance with Article 4 (p) of the AU Consecutive Act; Taking note of the opening speech by H.E. Ambassador Willy Nyamitwe, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Burundi to the AU and President of the PSC for the month of August 2023 ; of the communication from H.E. MoussaFaki Mahamat, Chairperson of the AU Commission, delivered on his behalf by H.E. Ambassador Bankole Adeoye, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security; and the statement made by the Representative of the Secretariat of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS); And Acting under Article 7 of its Protocol, the Peace and Security Council, 1. Reiterates its deep concern about the resurgence of military coups which compromise democracy, peace, security and stability, as well as development in the Continent; 2. Strongly condemns the military coup of August 30, 2023 in the Gabonese Republic, which dismissed President Ali Bongo Ondimba, thus interrupting the constitutional order in the country; and welcomes the press release from the Chairperson of the AU Commission, H.E. Moussa Faki Mahamat, published on August 30, 2023, and the press release from the ECCAS Commission, also published on August 30, 2023, on the political situation in the Republic Gabonese, following the coup d'état 3. Decides to immediately suspend the participation of the Gabonese Republic in all activities of the AU and its organs and institutions until the establishment of constitutional order in the country, in accordance with the relevant AU instruments, in particular the Act Constitution of the AU and the Protocol relating to the creation of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union; 4. Demands the immediate restoration of constitutional order through the holding of free, fair, credible and transparent elections which would be observed by the Electoral Observation Mission of the AU and the region concerned; 5. Also demands that the military immediately return to the barracks and unconditionally return power to the civilian authorities, respect their constitutional mandate and the principle of constitutionalism and refrain from any interference in the political process in Gabon, failing which the Council will take the necessary measures, including the imposition of targeted sanctions against the perpetrators of the coup; 6. Further demands the immediate release and guarantee of the human rights, personal integrity, security and health of President Ali Bongo Ondimba, members of his family and members of his government; condemns any politically motivated arrests in these circumstances and stresses the importance of ensuring that all political detainees are treated within the justice system, as provided for in the country's laws; 7. Reaffirms the solidarity of the AU with the Gabonese people in their legitimate aspirations for democracy and good governance and encourages them to remain calm, to refrain from any action likely to aggravate the situation and also to prioritize dialogue as the only viable approach to finding consensual and lasting solutions to the challenges facing the country; 8. Requests the AU Commission to deploy a high-level mission to Gabon to engage with key Gabonese stakeholders, in collaboration with ECCAS and other relevant stakeholders on all critical issues, with a view to laying the foundations necessary for the immediate transfer of power to a civilian-led, democratically elected government. 9. Also requests the Chairperson of the Commission to continue to closely monitor developments in the situation, including through the establishment of an inclusive monitoring mechanism, comprising the AU, ECCAS and other stakeholders concerned, and to report to the Council within fifteen (15) days following the adoption of this press release; 10. Mandates the AU Commission, Regional Economic Communities and Regional Mechanisms (RECs/RMs) to strengthen early warning and rapid response mechanisms to ensure effective deployment of preventive diplomacy efforts; 11. Stresses the need for Member States to comprehensively address the root structural causes and conditions that facilitate unconstitutional changes of government and, in this regard, reiterates its request to the AU Commission, with support Member States and RECs/RMs, to undertake a comprehensive and objective study on the deep structural causes of unconstitutional changes of government; 12. Firmly rejects any external interference by an actor or country outside the Continent in matters of peace and security in Africa, including the actions of private military companies on the Continent, in accordance with the 1977 OAU Convention for elimination of mercenarism in Africa; And 13. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter. PSC/PR/COMM.1172 (2023)

PREAMBLE We, African Heads of State and Government, have gathered for the first African Climate Summit (AEC) in Nairobi, Kenya, September 4-6, 2023; in the presence of other world leaders, intergovernmental organizations, regional economic communities, United Nations agencies, the private sector, civil society organizations, indigenous peoples, local communities, agricultural organizations, children, young people, women and academics, hereby: 1. Recall the decisions of the Assembly (AU/Dec.723(XXXII), AU/Dec.764 (XXXIII) and AU/Dec.855(XXXVI)) requesting the African Union Commission to organize a summit African Climate Conference and endorsing the offer of the Republic of Kenya to host the Summit; 2. Commend the African Heads of State and Government Committee on Climate Change (CAHOSCC), under the leadership of HE President William Ruto, for providing a unified approach and political leadership on an African vision that simultaneously pursues the climate change and development agenda; 3. Congratulate the Arab Republic of Egypt on the success of COP27 and its historic outcomes, particularly regarding loss and damage, just transition and energy, and call for the full implementation of all COP27 decisions. 4. Take note of the 6th Assessment Report (AR6) of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), stating that the world is not on track to maintain the 1.5°C limit agreed in Paris and that global emissions must be reduced by 43% over this decade; 5. Highlight the IPCC's confirmation that Africa is warming faster than the rest of the world and that, unless it abates, climate change will continue to have negative impacts on African economies and societies and hinder growth and well-being; 6. Express concern that many African countries face disproportionate burdens and risks resulting from unpredictable climate change-related weather events and phenomena, including prolonged droughts, devastating floods, wildfires , which are causing a massive humanitarian crisis with adverse impacts on economies, health, education, peace and security, among other risks; 7. Recognize that climate change is the greatest challenge facing humanity and the greatest threat to all life on Earth. This requires urgent and concerted action by all nations to reduce emissions and reduce the concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere; 8. Recognize that Africa is not historically responsible for global warming, but bears the brunt of its effects, impacting lives, livelihoods and economies; 9. Reaffirm the principles set out in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and its Paris Agreement, namely equity, common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capacities, 10. Recall that there are only seven years left to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda, and note with concern that 600 million people in Africa still do not have access to electricity while 970 million do not have access to a clean kitchen; 11. Concerned that although Africa has about 40 percent of the world's renewable energy resources, only $60 billion, or 2 percent of the $3 trillion investment in renewable energy over the last decade have gone to Africa, 12. Further recognize that African cities and urban centers are growing rapidly and will be home to more than a billion people by 2050. Recognizing that rapid urbanization, poverty and inequality limit capacity planning and other urban dynamics that increase the exposure and vulnerability of populations to hazards and have thus transformed cities into disaster hotspots across the continent. 13. Let us emphasize that Africa has both the potential and the ambition to be an essential part of the global solution to climate change. As home to the world's youngest and fastest growing workforce, coupled with enormous untapped renewable energy potential, abundant natural assets and an entrepreneurial spirit, our continent has the fundamentals needed to lead the way on a climate-friendly path forward as a thriving, cost-competitive industrial hub with the capacity to help other regions achieve their net zero ambitions. 14. Reaffirm Africa's commitment to creating an enabling environment, adopting the policies and facilitating the investments needed to unlock resources necessary to meet our own climate commitments and contribute significantly to the decarbonization of the global economy. 15. Recognize the important role of forests in Africa, particularly the Congo Basin rainforest, in regulating global climate change 16. further the critical importance of oceans in climate action and the commitments made to ocean sustainability in several forums such as the Second United Nations Ocean Conference in 2022 and the Moroni Declaration for Action on oceans and climate in Africa in 2023. Collective action is necessary. 17. We call on the global community to act urgently to reduce emissions, meet its obligations, keep its past promises and support the continent in the fight against climate change, in particular to: i) Accelerate all emissions reduction efforts to align with the goals set out in the Paris Agreement ii) Honor the commitment to provide $100 billion in annual climate finance, as promised 14 years ago at the Copenhagen conference. iii) Respect commitments to a fair and accelerated process of progressive coal reduction and abolition of all coal subsidies. fossil fuels. 18. We call for climate-positive investments that catalyze a growth trajectory, anchored in industries poised to transform our planet and enabling African countries to achieve stable middle-income status by 2050. 19. We urge world leaders to join us in seizing this unprecedented opportunity to accelerate global decarbonization, while pursuing equality and shared prosperity; 20. We call for the implementation of the loss and damage fund, as agreed at COP27, and decide to adopt a measurable global adaptation goal (GGA) with indicators and targets to assess progress made in combating the negative impacts of climate change. We are committed to : 21. Develop and implement policies, regulations and incentives aimed at attracting local, regional and global investments in green growth and inclusive economies; 22. Power economic growth and job creation in Africa in a way that limits our own emissions and also contributes to global decarbonization efforts, moving beyond traditional industrial development and promoting green production and supply chains worldwide ; 23. Focus our economic development plans on climate-positive growth, including the expansion of just energy transitions and renewable energy production for industrial activity, climate-friendly and restorative agricultural practices, as well as the essential protection and enhancement of nature and biodiversity; 24. Strengthen actions to halt and reverse biodiversity loss, deforestation and desertification, as well as restore degraded lands in order to achieve land degradation neutrality; 25. Strengthen continental collaboration, which is essential to enable and advance green growth, including but not limited to the interconnectivity of regional and continental networks, and further accelerate the operationalization of the agreement on African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA); 26. Advance green industrialization across the continent by prioritizing energy-intensive industries to trigger a virtuous cycle of renewable energy deployment and economic activity, with a particular focus on the added value of natural wealth of Africa ; 27. Redouble efforts to increase agricultural yields through sustainable agricultural practices, in order to improve food security while minimizing negative environmental impacts; 28. Take the lead in developing global standards, metrics and market mechanisms to accurately value and offset the protection of nature, biodiversity, socio-economic co-benefits and the provision of climate services; 29. Finalize and implement the African Union biodiversity strategy and action plan, with a view to achieving the 2050 vision of living in harmony with nature; 30. Provide all reforms and support necessary to bring the share of the financing of renewable energies at least 20% by 2030. 31. Integrate climate, biodiversity and oceans programs into national plans and processes to ensure their contribution to sustainable development, livelihoods and sustainability goals, and increase the resilience of local communities, coastal areas and national economies; 32. Support smallholder farmers, indigenous peoples and local communities in the green economic transition, given their key role in ecosystem management; 33. Identify, prioritize and integrate adaptation into policymaking and development planning, including in the context of national plans and nationally determined contributions (NDCs); 34. Build an effective partnership between Africa and other regions, to meet the needs for financial, technical and technological support and knowledge sharing for adaptation to climate change; 35. Promote investments in urban infrastructure, including upgrading informal settlements and slums to build climate-resilient cities and urban centers. 36. Strengthen early warning systems and climate information services, as well as take early action to protect lives, livelihoods and assets and inform long-term decision-making related to change-related risks climatic. We highlight the importance of integrating indigenous knowledge and citizen science into adaptation strategies and early warning systems; 37. Improve drought resilience systems to move from crisis management to proactive drought preparedness and adaptation, to significantly reduce the vulnerability of people, economic activities and ecosystems to drought. 38. Accelerate the implementation of the African Union strategy and action plan on climate change and resilient development (2022-2032). CALL TO ACTION 39. Call on world leaders to understand that the decarbonization of the global economy is also an opportunity to contribute to equality and shared prosperity; 40. Invite development partners from the South and North to align and coordinate their technical and financial resources for Africa in order to promote the sustainable use of Africa's natural assets for the continent's progression towards low-cost development. carbon intensity and to contribute to global decarbonization; 41. To achieve this vision of economic transformation in harmony with our climate needs, we call on the international community to contribute to the following: i) Increase Africa's renewable energy production capacity from 56 GW in 2022 to at least 300 GW by 2030, both to combat energy poverty and to strengthen the global supply of clean energy and profitable for the industry; ii) Shift energy-intensive primary processing of African raw material exports to the continent, also to serve as an anchor of demand for our renewable energy and a means to rapidly reduce global emissions; iii) Call for access and transfer of environmentally friendly technologies, including technologies that consist of innovation processes and methods to support green industrialization and Africa's transition. iv) Design global and regional trade mechanisms to enable African products to compete on fair and equitable terms; v) Request that environmental tariffs and trade-related non-tariff barriers be subject to multilateral discussions and agreements and do not constitute unilateral, arbitrary or discriminatory measures; vii) Accelerate efforts to decarbonize the transport, industrial and electricity sectors through the use of intelligent, digital and highly efficient technologies and systems. viii) Design industrial policies that encourage global investment to locations that provide the most substantial climate benefits, while ensuring benefits for local communities; ix) Implement a combination of measures that increase Africa’s share of carbon markets. 42. Reiterate Decision 31/COP27 that a global transformation to a low-carbon economy is expected to require investments of at least $4-6 trillion per year and that providing this financing in turn requires a transformation of the financial system and its structures and processes, involving governments, central banks, commercial banks, institutional investors and other financial actors. 43. We call for collective global action to mobilize the capital needed for development and climate action, echoing the Paris Summit declaration for a new global financing compact that no country should ever have to choose between development aspirations and climate action. 44. Call for concrete and time-bound action on the multilateral financial system reform proposals currently under discussion, specifically to: i. strengthen resilience to climate shocks, in particular by improving the deployment of the SDR liquidity mechanism and suspension clauses in the event of catastrophe. We propose to examine a new issuance of SDRs to respond to the climate crisis, of a magnitude at least of the same magnitude as that of Covid19 (650 billion dollars); ii. better exploitation of MDB balance sheets to increase concessional financing to at least $500 billion per year; iii. Measures to improve debt management, including: has. the inclusion of “debt suspension clauses”, and b. the proposed expert review of the Common Framework and Debt Sustainability Analysis iv. New interventions and debt relief instruments to prevent default with the capacity to has. extend the duration of sovereign debt, and c. include a 10-year grace period vi. Decisive action to promote inclusive and effective international tax cooperation at the United Nations (resolution A/C.2/77/L.11/REV.1) – with the aim of reducing the annual loss of $27 billion in corporate tax revenue in Africa through profit shifting, by at least 50% by 2030 and 75% by 2050. vii. Additional measures to attract and de-risk private capital, such as blended finance instruments, purchase commitments, partial foreign exchange (FX) guarantee and industrial policy collaboration, which should be informed by the risks that result in the lack of large-scale deployment of private capital; viii. Overhaul of MDB governance, to ensure a “fit for purpose” system with appropriate representation, voice and action for all countries 45. It should be noted that multilateral finance reform is necessary but not sufficient to provide the scale of climate finance the world needs to achieve the 45% emissions reduction by 2030 required to meet the UN Climate Change Accord. Paris, otherwise maintaining global warming at 1.5% will be seriously compromised. It is further worth noting that the scale of financing required to unlock climate positive growth in Africa exceeds the borrowing capacity of national balance sheets, or matches the risk premium that Africa currently pays for private capital . 46. Draw attention to the fact that excessive borrowing costs, typically 5 to 8 times what rich countries pay (the “great financial divide”), are a root cause of the recurring debt crisis developing countries and a barrier to investment in development and climate action. We call for the adoption of responsible sovereign lending and accountability principles encompassing credit rating, risk analysis and debt sustainability assessment frameworks and urge financial markets to commit to reducing this disparity of at least 50%, i.e. from 5% to 8% to 2.5 to 4.0. % by 2025. 47. Urge world leaders to rally behind the proposal for a global carbon tax regime, including a carbon tax on fossil fuel trade, shipping and aviation, which could also be augmented by a global tax on Financial Transactions (TTF) to provide dedicated, affordable services and accessible financing at scale for climate-positive investments, and protection of these resources and decision-making against undue influence of geopolitical and national interests . 48. Propose to establish a new financing architecture tailored to the needs of Africa, including debt restructuring and relief, including the development of a new Global Climate Finance Charter through the processes of the UNGA and the COP by 2025; 49. That the first Global Assessment, which will take place in 2023 during COP28, offers a crucial opportunity to rectify the situation by including an overall result, both retrospective and prospective. 50. Resolve to make the African Climate Summit a biennial event organized by the African Union and hosted by AU Member States, to define the new vision of the continent taking into account emerging global climate and climate issues. development ; 51. We also resolve that this Declaration will constitute an important contribution of the African continent to the global process on climate change, at COP 28 and beyond; 52. Welcome the commitments made at the summit by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) as COP28 President and other development partners to support Africa, particularly in the areas of renewable energy and adaptation . 53. Appreciate the efforts of the UAE as COP28 President-designate in preparing for COP28 and reaffirm Africa's full support for a successful and ambitious outcome of COP28. 54. Request the African Union Commission to develop an implementation framework and roadmap for this Declaration and to make climate change an AU theme for the year 2025 or 2026. ADOPTED by African Heads of State and Government in the presence of world leaders and high-level representatives on September 6, 2023 in Nairobi, Kenya

LIPTAKO-GOURMA CHARTER ESTABLISHING THE ALLIANCE OF SAHEL STATES BETWEEN: THE BURKINA FASO THE REPUBLIC OF MALI THE JQUE REPUBLIC OF NIGER The Government of Burkina Faso; The Government of the Republic of Mali; The Government of the Republic of Niger; Hereinafter referred to as “the Contracting Parties”; Reaffirming their commitment to international and regional equality, enshrined in particular by the Charter of the United Nations, the Constitutive Act of the African Union and the Revised ECOWAS Treaty; Convinced of the need to continue the heroic struggles waged by the African peoples and countries for political independence, human dignity and economic emancipation; Faithful to the objectives and ideals of the Integrated Development Authority of the States of Liptako-Gourma; Guided by the spirit of fraternity, solidarity and friendship; Committed to strengthening the centuries-old ties between their Peoples: Determined to fully exercise and ensure respect for national and international sovereignty; Resolved to defend national unity and the integrity of the respective States; Considering the multifaceted threats to the space common to the three States Conscious of the responsibility to protect civilian populations in all circumstances; Recalling the natural right of States to individual or collective self-defense: Have agreed as follows: Article 1 By this Charter, called the Liptako-Gourma Charter, the Contracting Parties establish among themselves the Alliance of Sahel States, abbreviated “AFS”. Article 2 The objective of the Charter is to establish an architecture of collective defense and mutual assistance to the Contracting Parties Article 3 The Contracting Parties will subsequently establish the bodies necessary for the operation and subsequent mechanisms of the Alliance and will define the modalities of its operation. Article 4 The Contracting Parties undertake to combat terrorism in all its forms and organized crime in the common area of the Alliance. Article 5 The Contracting Parties will also work to prevent, manage and resolve any armed rebellion or other threat affecting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of each of the member countries of the Alliance, favoring peaceful and diplomatic and, if necessary, to use force to deal with situations of disruption of peace and stability. Article 6 Any attack on the sovereignty and integrity of the territory of one or more Contracting Parties will be considered as an aggression against the other Parties and will engage a duty of assistance and relief of all Parties, individually or collectively, including including the use of force, to restore and ensure security within the space covered by the Alliance. Article 7 Aggression, as referred to in Article 6, also includes any attack against the Defense and Security Forces of one or more Contracting Parties, including when they are deployed in a national capacity in a theater of war. operation outside Alliance space; attack road and in all places, against the ships or aircraft of one or more Parties. Article 8 The Parties undertake to: - not resort to threats, use of force or aggression between themselves, either against the territorial integrity or political independence of a Party; - not blockade ports, roads, coasts or strategic infrastructure of a Party by armed forces; - not from a territory made available by a Party, perpetrate attacks or aggression against another Party or third States; not from the territory of a Party allow armed groups, irregular armed forces or mercenaries to carry out attacks against a country in the field. Article 9 The Alliance's decisions are taken unanimously by the States Parties. Article 10 The financing of the Alliance is ensured by contributions from State Parties. Section 11 This Charter may be open to any other State sharing the same geographic, political and socio-cultural realities which accepts the objectives of the Alliance. The application for membership is accepted unanimously by the States Parties. Article 12 Any proposed modification of this Charter is subject to the unanimous acceptance of the States Parties. The request for modification must be notified to the other States Parties through diplomatic channels, with three (03) months' notice. Article 13 Any dispute arising from the interpretation or application of this Charter shall be resolved through diplomatic channels. Article 14 This Charter may be denounced by any Contracting Party. The denunciation must be notified by its author to all other signatory Parties to the Charter, by letter transmitted through diplomatic channels with acknowledgment of receipt and six (06) months' notice. Article 15 This Charter will be supplemented by additional texts, with a view to implementing the provisions provided for in Article 3. Section 16 The Stakeholders accept the terms of this Charter which comes into force upon signature by all Parties. Section 17 The Republic of Mali, designated depositary of this Charter, transmits the certified copies to the other States Parties. The depositary receives and submits to the unanimous decision of the States Parties any new request for membership in the Alliance, in accordance with the provisions provided for in Article 11 of this Charter. Done today September 16, 2023 in Bamako

Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger signed the so-called Liptako-Gourma charter on September 12, 2023, with a view to creating an Alliance of Sahel States (AES). This charter aims to protect against any attack, including terrorist attacks or those orchestrated by third countries. The charter states in its article 2 that its objective is to establish an architecture of collective defense and assistance between signatory countries. Article 4 of the said charter provides that “the contracting parties undertake to fight against terrorism in all its forms, and organized crime in the common area of the Alliance”. Article 5, for its part, gives the quintessence of this agreement. It specifies that: “the contracting parties also work to prevent, manage and resolve any armed rebellion or other threat affecting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of each of the member countries of the Alliance, by favoring peaceful and diplomatic means and, if necessary, to use force to deal with situations of disruption of peace and stability. » The solidarity which constitutes the basis of the charter, emerges from article 6 which specifies "any attack on the sovereignty and integrity of the territory of one or more contracting parties will be considered as an aggression against the other parties and will initiate a duty of assistance and relief of all parties, individually or collectively, including the use of armed force to restore and ensure security within the area covered by the Alliance. Article 7, for its part, gives almost universal jurisdiction to the charter. It explains Article 6 in these terms: “aggression as referred to in Article 6 also includes any attack against the defense and security forces of one or more Contracting Parties, including when they they are deployed in a national capacity in a theater of operation outside the Alliance area; any attack and in any place against the ships or aircraft of one or more parties. It should be noted that this Charter seals a political agreement, the implementation of which at the operational level was dictated by threats of all kinds orchestrated by powers external to the continent, aimed at imposing diktats on the military authorities in power in Niger. . Under the growing threat of a proxy war that ECOWAS intended to wage, the authorities of Niger and Burkina Faso had deployed military aircraft at Niamey airport as a preventive measure, to deter any air attack. This means that the trio of Sahel countries, namely Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, now constitutes a triumvirate, which intends to be respected, including on a military level, in the concert of nations.

Stunned, the Cameroonians suffered this news in a very embarrassing way, especially since the artist performed concert after concert, and had never shown any particular health problem. At this time when the global COVID 19 pandemic is fully rife, he was hastily buried a few days later in the Parisian Père Lachaise cemetery. He is accompanied to his final resting place in the company of a few hand-picked members of his family. His fans, scattered across the world, pay him a well-deserved tribute. Most of the time, these are virtual testimonies, instead of the large gatherings that the artist was fond of, through often giant concerts. These large gatherings, it should be remembered, have marked the entire career of this musical goldsmith. Manu Dibango dies, leaving thousands of fans around the world grieving. His admirers. Cameroon, the country which saw him born, are taken aback, all the more so since he carried the national torch high, through the legendary global hit which came from the depths of his inspiration: “Soul Makossa”. Likewise, his numerous albums distilled, through his numerous and varied audiences, a feeling of well-being, of accomplishment, sometimes of tenderness. His musical sounds were always surrounded by ease, a feeling of bliss, and, sometimes, bliss. Not even the global star Michael Jackon plagiarized it. It was a poor understanding of the local authorities, who do not have any scruples when it comes to a category of citizens, as soon as they suddenly ignore them. This concern for ostracization, this dirimante omerta, this desire to formalize amnesia, cannot create a collective unconscious. Fans of the artist, as well as Cameroonians of all stripes, are still waiting for an official funeral of this talented artist to be decreed so that music lovers and all Cameroonians can pay him a deserved tribute. By such an act, the public authorities would then demonstrate that Cameroonians who excel can be recognized for their true value, beyond the vicissitudes of life, and thus, thumb their noses at the blows of fate.

The coup d'état that occurred on July 26 in Niger saw the advent on the national and international political scene of Brigadier General Abdourahmane TIANI, President of the National Council for the Protection of the Homeland (CNSP). Following this coup which saw the overthrow of Mohamed Bazoum, many Nigeriens demonstrated in the streets their support for the new junta. Almost immediately, ECOWAS met to take a battery of measures to make the new authorities in Niamey unpopular. The main corridor likely to allow imports passes through the port of Cotonou in Benin. Since then, long lines of trucks loaded with goods have been waiting on both sides of the borders. The same is true for basic necessities such as medicines. From now on, hospitals lack everything, from a simple plaster to paracetamol tablets. Vaccination campaigns are stopped, due to the expiration of vaccines, while malnutrition is resuming with a vengeance. Niger is an integral part of the Sahel countries where human development indices were already not very eloquent even during the time of the previous regime. The effects of poverty are aggravated by the power cut. Indeed, despite the extraction of uranium to supply French nuclear power plants, Niger imports 90% of its electricity from neighboring Nigeria. The Nigerian President, Bola Tunubu, very committed to economic sanctions and even the war against Niger, has decreed the cessation of the electricity supply to this neighboring country. In addition, all commercial and financial transactions between ECOWAS member states and Niger are suspended. The assets of the Republic of Niger have been frozen at the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO). This means that the country's financial system is under pressure and it is difficult for the new authorities to honor debt service. Moreover, the country's traditional partners (World Bank, African Development Bank, European Union, UNDP, etc.) have, in the wake of ECOWAS, ceased all cooperation. Under these conditions, it is difficult for the Niamey authorities to honor their commitments to civil servants, for example, or other vital services necessary for the functioning of the state apparatus. Since the putsch of July 26, these demonstrations have not weakened, but they are gaining momentum as we witness a hardening of French positions, and in particular of representatives of the French public authorities who have become autistic.

The crisis between France, Burkina Faso and Niger is entering a phase of dramatization. In a gesture of spite, and as a measure of retaliation, the Regional Directorates of Cultural Affairs (DRAC), requested on September 14, on instructions from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the immediate cessation of any cultural cooperation project with nationals from Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso. Paris explains this attitude by the closure of its consulates in these three countries. In reality, despite this closure, artists continued to benefit from entry visas into France, including through their embassies and those of other European Union countries, established in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso. This last possibility has just been closed to them by new instructions from the French authorities. Such a measure undermines tens of thousands of shows, which had already been scheduled and whose preparations had already begun. Hundreds of other shows, planned for the near or distant future, are also threatened, if not definitively compromised. It deconstructs a relationship that the artistic world has been striving to put in place for ages. Above all, it brings up to date the need to escape the trap of unequal relationships, through, initially, the diversification of cultural partnerships and secondly, the internalization within Africa itself, of artistic production and the organization of various shows, likely to introduce other peoples of Africa to the cultural diversity of the continent . STUDENTS IN THE VICE OF RESTRICTIVE MEASURES The flow of restrictive measures implemented by the French authorities does not only concern artists. Students are also targeted by the measures of the French authorities. In fact, beyond artists, the measure also applies to students. It targets six thousand seven hundred (6,700) of them, from Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, currently enrolled in higher education establishments in France. Certainly the French authorities claim that the measure is only a “suspension” and only concerns students wishing to obtain new visas. However, we can imagine that all these learners and other trainees do not live on French soil and that at the time this measure was taken, most had not yet returned to France. Some have had to take vacations in their country of origin and in fact will no longer be able to return to France. Scientific research programs are thus compromised. Mobility in a university environment, called into question. The excellence of development cooperation that the French authorities often boast about towards African countries has been seriously damaged. Faced with the inequity and seriousness of such a situation, Paris maintains a double standard. As nature abhors a vacuum, the diversification of cooperation with several actors on the international scene constitutes the best guarantee likely to avoid the mood swings which can arise from unbalanced relationships between dominating aim and desire for self-appropriation. and control of one's own destiny.